I know, I know, this is what everyone's been burning to know: but which people have acted as head of state of the Wenthars (population: a couple of thousand) since independence? Well, you need ask no more, as I shall tell you. Including Acting Speakers! And, what's more, careful readers will gain complete knowledge of the identities of each First Councillor of State in that time as well, just as a bonus.
We begin, of course, with Yngemar...
(Fillog) Yngemar Yósefsson (1840-1918): 1911-1918, Lywish Thøwflocka
“van Sáðystramm” (1914)
FCS: Yngemar Yósefsson
As the dominant figure in the independence movement for three decades and the founding father of the country, Yngemar’s authority was unquestionable, despite his advanced age and sometimes frail health. His personal charism held together the Lywish Thøwflocka, and the wider nationalist movement.
(Beo) Løvewar Sáðystrammsson (1872-1946): 1918-1919, Lywish Thøwflocka
FCS: Løvewar Sáðystrammsson
With the death of Yngemar, the nation and the party were left bereft and confused. Diverging interests were tearing apart the nationalist movement, and the country was recovering from Allied “protective occupation”. In the absence of any clear successor to Yngemar, his party turned to his son, Løvewar, to function as an uncontroversial caretaker leader to take the party into fresh elections planned for early the following year. Løvewar is therefore the nation’s shortest-presiding Speaker. Later in life, Løvewar turned against the nationalist movement in the repressive era of the 1930s, and joined Winsti – his authority, and that of his father’s mantle, allowed him considerably more freedom than most critics of the regime, although he was cautious enough to direct his campaigns at ‘humanitarian reform’ (prison conditions, pacifism and so forth) rather than explicit attacks on the government.
(Connobhr) Frǫðmuð Ǫlavesson (1846-1934): 1919-1924, Parti Lywish
FCS: (Dens) Øbhebrað Yonnsson
With the collapse of the Lywish Thøwflocka, a coalition of nationalist parties rose to power in an uneasy alliance. Frǫðmuð – an elderly servant of the independence struggle – was selected as the figurehead for the coalition, although in practice power rested with the more energetic, and more cunning, First Councillor, Øbhebrað Yonnssonn, of the minor Parti Lywish Liberal.
Theo (Arabrað) Jensson (1880-1941): 1924-1927, Recht
“von Chirkabrow” (1924)
FCS: Theos Jensson
The catastrophic defeat of the nationalists in 1924 reflected less a turning of the country away from their disorderly parties – though that was a factor – than a masterful campaign by Theo, whose unified Reht/Winsti alliance and unprecendent organisation won a landslide as nationalist parties split the opposing vote. However, reversing independence seemed impossible, negotiations to restore the monarchy foundered on the inability of the alliance to guarantee popular support, and the two parties could agree on little else. After three years of internecine warfare, Theo gambled on fresh elections, and lost. A decade later, Theo reluctantly took the battered remnants of his party into the national coalition, but attempted to undermine the regime from within, and in 1941 was executed for treason.
Diom (Hrǫðwarth) Miokesson (1854-1938): 1927-1938, Parti Lywish
FCS: Aðemar Fransson (1927-1938)
When the nationalists retook power in 1927, the centre of power now rested within the Lywish Parti Liberal (LPL). But the party’s leader, Aðemar, did not wish to antagonise his electoral partners too flagrantly, and so, like Øbhebrað before him, he granted the Speakership to a frail old independence hero from the Parti Lywish – in this case, former Foreign Minister and diplomat, Diom. But where Øbhebrað had struggled continually to maintain a working coalition, Aðemar’s power soon became unquestionable, as nationalism drifted into fascism and alliance with the Axis powers.Diom himself was hardly a liberal democrat, but the old man grew increasingly uneasy in his figurehead role, and became rarely seen. Many historians believe the Speaker was eventually assassinated by the First Councillor, although the evidence is limited and the issue hotly debated.
(Yonn Mir) Thøwgar Nathęnisson (1864-1949) (I): 1938-1940, Parti Arbayish
FCS: Aðemar Fransson
With the death of Diom, Aðemar needed a replacement figurehead – preferably one who could shore up his support where it was weakest. Accordingly, the post went to another old independence hero, and this time from the Parti Arbayish (PA – the Labour Party), the largest potential source of dissent within the nationalist coalition. However, as the Allied threat escalated (and all dissent became treason-in-a-time-of-war), Aðemar eventually decided he needed to consolidate power completely, and prevailed upon the old speaker to resign.
(Thorfen) Aðemar Fransson (1886-1964): 1940-1942, Lywish Parti Liberal
FCS: Aðemar Fransson
Though he had dominated national politics for a decade and a half, Aðemar’s official time as premier was brief. As utter destruction became seemingly unavoidable, Aðemar’s own cabinet and military turned against him, removing the dictator in a bloody but brief coup d’état, lead by his Defence Minister, Walsieth Eliesson. Aðemar was handed over to the Allies, tried and convicted at Nuremberg, imprisoned, and at home sentenced to exile. He attempted to move to England, but was coerced into leaving, and spent the last of his days in Australia.
(Carl) Garyast Innokentsson (1882-1946): 1942-1945, Thøwflocka Agrerie
FCS: (Marti) Foxwalth Sybastasson
Walsieth Elieson arranged the overthrow of Aðemar in 1942, but did not desire the crown – or didn’t dare to seize it, realising the difficulty of governing a fascist nation in vassalage to the Allies in a time of war. Instead, he passed the Speakership to Aðemar’s Agriculture Minister, a reliable but unadventurous old politician, and the First Councilor post to Foxwalth Sybastasson, a young military officer, to act as caretakers for the duration of the war.
(Yonn Mir) Thøwgar Nathęnisson (1864-1949) (II): 1945-1947, Parti Arbayish
FCS: (Hans) Løvebrecht Eochson
In 1945, Walsieth’s attention turned from managing the political transition away from Aðemar’s brand of nationalism, and toward formal negotiations with the Allies for continued independence after the way. For that purpose, he felt it important to renew the cabinet, showing the Allies that the nation was moving away from Aðemar of its own volition. To that end, he encouraged old Thøwgar to return to office, and had him appoint a young, foreign-educated Quaker, Løvebrecht Eochson from the Lywish Parti Conservativ, as First Councillor.
(Petros) Hrǫðwolf Connobhesson (1896-1971): 1947-1949, Lywish Parti Liberal
FCS: Hrǫðwolf Connobhesson
With peace and near-total military disarmament came a sudden reduction in Walsieth’s power. Accordingly, following the electoral setbacks of the first post-war elections, in 1947, the terminally ill Thøwgar was relieved of his duties by Hrǫðwolf, who took full control of the government himself. Hrǫðwolf attempted to renovate the nationalists, and in particular the LPL, for the new, more democratic age, while retaining their core principles and centralising power in his own hands. He struggled intensely with the faction of Walsieth (whom he did not dare dismiss from his post as Minister of Defence) as well as with the other parties in the coalition, and he was voted out of office after only two years.
(Sylvesti) Aðerøy Brendasson (1911-2005): 1949-1954, Sentrum
FCS: Aðerøy Brendasson (1949-1950); Hrǫðwolf Connobhesson (1950-1951); Connað Fjonasson (1951-1953); Raynald Castentisson (1953-1954)
To replace the difficult, centralising Hrǫðwolf, the coalition decided upon likeable, collegiate Aðerøy, one of the few remaining deputies from Sentrum, a minor nationalist party traditionally associated with centrism and Catholicism. He (and the resurgent Hroðwolf, as First Councillor) led the government into the disasterous elections of 1951, in which the coalition maintained only a thread-thin majority, and continued to hold the government together for a further three years. Aðerøy mostly concerned himself with party politics and international affairs, leaving the running of the country to his chosen ministers. At the time seen as a weak and ineffective leader, Aðerøy has since been reassessed as a critical figure both in ensuring the survival of the nationalist coalition into the second half of the century, and in delicately overseeing the transition to democracy and modernity, in extremely difficult times. Typically, Aðerøy’s departure was another act of negotiation, in which his own replacement by an LPL politician was counterbalanced by the replacement of his LPL First Councillor, Connað, with a First Councillor from the Unien Lywflocka (UF), to prevent the latter party from defecting.
(Brenda) Yngemar Sáðystrammsnøva (1902-1983): 1954-1956, Lywish Parti Liberal
FCS: Raynald Castentisson
Aðerøy had been a comfortable but uninspiring leader and, facing electoral destruction, the nationalist coalition needed a leader with more prestige and charisma. Accordingly, Aðerøy turned to Yngemar Sáðystrammsnøva, the son of former president Løvewar and the grandson of founding father Yngemar Yósefsson – a man who had largely sidestepped party politics through a career in diplomacy. Yngemar concentrated primarily on public appearances and inspirational oratory, leaving (not entirely of his own will) the daily policy issues to his coalition partner, Raynald. In the end, though his own popularity was high, it was not enough to prevent a landslide defeat for the coalition, and Yngemar promptly retired once more from politics.
(Yacób) Wiliom Fjonasson (1895-1980): 1956-1960, Parti Sossial-Democratish
FCS: Wiliom Fjonasson
Wiliom Fjonasson was a legend in national politics even before rising to the Speakership. A Deputy from 1919 to 1929 and a Councillor of State from 1929 to 1934, all for the Labour Party, he founded the Socialist Party in 1936, the Social Democratic Party in 1938, and then the Social Democratic Party again in 1946 (his first two creations were ruled seditious and disbanded by the State), having spent the years from 1939 to 1943 in a labour camp, and from 1943 to 1945 under house arrest. In 1956, he lead his PSD to a landslide victory – but the task of ensuring stability in a troubled, post-war nation while instituting radical socialist reforms under the nose of anti-communist Allied ‘friends’ was never likely to be easy. Calling early elections in 1960, the PSD were again returned with the largest number of Deputies – but they had lost their overall majority.
(Fjona) Siward Patreksson (1902-1970): 1960-1963, Parti Sossial-Democratish
FCS: Siward Patreksson
After the setbacks of the 1960 elections, the PSD were forced to rule as only a minority government, dependent on the tacit consent of the centre-right and conservative Parti Bonda (PB – “the Farmer’s Party”), and at times on rebellious coalition Deputies, particularly from the Labour Party. The first price of continued power was the resignation of the deeply respected and ideological Wiliom, and his replacement by the more technocratic Siward Patreksson, regarded as a less threatening figure by both his domestic ‘allies’ and by foreign observers.
Artemes (Aðewolf) Pólsson (1921-1969): 1963-1964, Parti Sossial-Democratish
FCS: Artemes Pólsson
In 1963, the constitutional privileges granted to protect temporary minority governments expired, and the PSD were placed even more completely at the mercy of the PB. In an attempt to maintain their government, the PSD reluctantly ousted Siward, who had proven a capable and likeable leader, and replaced him with the relatively unknown, uncharismatic and centrist Artemes Pólsson.
(Søren) Walsieth Eliesson (1900-1976): 1964-1972, Lywish Parti Liberal
FCS: Walsieth Eliesson (1964-1968); Finta Ruðasson (1968-1972)
Having overthrown Aðemar in 1942 and effectively guided the nation through the remainder of the war, Walsieth had never entirely gone away. When the nationalist coalition retook power in the 1964 elections, it was Walsieth who was elected to the Speakership. However, the great national saviour proved a controversial Speaker for the 1960s – decisive and capable, but also distant and austere, and increasingly unpopular with an increasingly modernised youth. His difficulties came to a head with the youth riots of 1968, soon after which he resigned the post of First Councillor, and retired to affairs of state. To take control of domestic affairs, he promoted his young protégé, Finta Ruðasson. The duumvirate – Walsieth’s iron fist and experience representing the state abroad, and Finta’s velvet glover and approachable, flexible modernity governing domestic policy – proved a winning combination, and the coalition stormed to a landslide victory in 1969. However, ill health forced Walsieth to retire completely in 1972.
(Duvech) Siygrim Thollaksson (1919-1987): 1972-1974, Lywish Parti Liberal
FCS: Finta Ruðasson (1972-1973); Walbrað Petteson (1973-1974)
With the retirement of Walsieth, at first the duumvirate appeared set to continue under Walsieth’s close ally, Siygrim. Siygrim, however, lacked Walsieth’s high regard for Finta, and continually attempted to undermine his control of domestic affairs. Soon, in preparation for the 1974 elections, Siygrim dismissed Finta from the cabinet, and replaced him with Walbrað, the leader of the Labour Party.
Finta (Guthrøy) Ruðasson (1920-2002): 1974-1984, Lywish Parti Liberal
FCS: Thonnard Thonnsson (1974-1976); Finta Ruðasson (1976); Ąraflað Óstesdotter (1976-1980); Finta Ruðasson (1980-1982); Rikjard Conchesson (1982-1984); Finta Ruðasson (1984)
When Siygrim’s coalition suffered moderate setbacks in the 1974 elections, Finta seized the opportunity to return to power, ousting Siygrim and installing himself as Speaker. However, at least in theory Finta did not return to singular leadership, instead appointing Thonnard in Finta’s old position as First Councillor. The dynamic now was quite different from that obtaining between Finta and Walsieth: now, Finta was the clear dominant figure, with Thonnard his chief administrator. When Thonnard attempted to challenge Finta for the leadership, he was promptly dismissed. Similarly, his replacement (after a brief caretakership by himself), Ąraflað, the nation’s first female First Councillor, was moved aside (to a diplomatic role) when her disagreements with her mentor grew too great. Rikjard’s failing in 1984 were more serious: polls began to show an unexpected dip in the coalition’s standing.
[Acting:] (Samul) Børestann Miockesson (1924-2003): 1984, Lywish Parti Liberal
FCS: Finta Ruðasson (1984); Connað Hansson (1984)
The 1984 elections were a disaster for the coalition. They were left the largest party, but exactly level in seats with a potential coalition of Winsti/Reht and the PSD. To maintain power, they were forced to rely on the tacit consent of the four Deputies of the Parti Bonda – who, as with their decapitation of Wiliom Fjonasson a quarter-century earlier, began by demanding the resignation of Finta as Speaker. His immediate, and legally only Acting, replacement was his First Underspeaker and old ally, Børestann, but he was unable to secure confirmation from parliament, despite replacing Finta as First Councillor with National Conservative Party leader Connað. Børestann survived only through the summer months.
(Finta) Waregrem Eochsson (1918-1988): 1984-1985, Lywish Parti Conservativ
FCS: Connað Hansson
The coalition and the PB struggled to find a Speaker acceptible to both parties, and the PB repeatedly threatened to support a Winsti/Reht candidate instead. Finta’s preferred candidate – Aðelard Brendasson – was prevented from standing due to his position as Fisheries Minister (and hence not a member of parliament), but to prevent the PB switching sides it was necessary to accept a compromise candidate: Waregrem, an old Deputy from the LPC.
[Acting:] Connobhr [Hayndry] Yonnsson (1932-2006): 1985, Parti Arbayish
FCS: Connað Hansson
In 1985, a by-election finally brought Aðelard Brendasson, a bland former Deputy and Minister, into parliament, and into eligibility for the Speakership. Waregrem, suffering from ill health, was pressured into resigning, leaving the new First Underspeaker, Connobhr, as Acting Speaker. He remained in the post for six days.
(Yósef) Aðelard Brendasson (1939-2012) (I): 1985-1986, Lywish Parti Liberal
FCS: Connað Hansson
Aðelard was not a particularly notable politician, but he was a notable son: the child of Yngemar Sáðystrammsnøva, and hence the fourth generation of Speaker from the house of Yngemar Yósefsson. Given his pedigree and his inoffensive record, the PB were forced to accept his Speakership – though they insisted that the FC post would remain with Connað, rather than reverting to an LPL politician.
Gamęliel (Rikjard) Ásasson (1946-2003) (I): 1986, Winsti
FCS: Stannware Lukesson
In 1986, relations between the Coalition and the PB finally broke down, and the PB, along with the PSD, switched their support to Winsti/Reht leader, Gamęliel, who in turn appointed a PSD Deputy as his First Councillor. Gamęliel was able to pass a budget, but his government, at least for now, was doomed to be short-lived: the Coalition had already won one seat from the PSD, and now they were able to take Stannware’s seat too. Later in 1986, they also won one of the PB’s four seats, and the leader of the kingmaker party was forced to resign and retreat from their aggressive strategy. Finta Ruðasson was at last victorious.
(Yósef) Aðelard Brendasson (1939-2012) (II): 1986-1988, Lywish Parti Liberal
FCS: Løvewolf Fintasson (1986-1987); Finta Ruðasson (1987-1988)
With the Parti Bonda now abstaining on Speakership votes, Aðelard was able to sweep back into his old position. At first, Finta – while recognised as the power behind the throne – avoided aggravating his discontented colleagues or testing the PB’s surrender by seeking any position himself. In 1987, however, angered by disrespect toward him from the cabinet, he persuaded Aðelard to return him to power as First Councillor.
(Nils) Yngemar Ruðasson (1920-1998): 1988-1991, Parti Sossial-Democratish
FCS: Gamęliel Ásasson
In 1988, the Coalition plurality was swept away for the first time in 24 years, and Gamęliel’s alliance, Winsti/Recht, surprisingly soared into government, promising economically and socially liberal reforms. To hold power, however, it was necessary for Winsti/Recht to form a coalition with the PSD, narrowly the second-largest party in parliament. The uneasy powersharing was reflected at the heart of the government: the Speakership went to the PSD, while the First Councilorship, and most of the top cabinet positions, went to Winsti/Recht. Yet the tension between the right-wing Winsti and the left-wing PSD proved unbearable, and fresh elections were called after only three years.
Gamęliel (Rikjard) Ásasson (1946-2003): 1991-1994, Winsti
FCS: Raynflað Thyresesdotter
The 1991 elections confirmed public support for Winsti’s liberalising reforms, yet failed to deliver a clear majority for them, and they were forced to rely upon the Parti Bonda. Although the relationship between the two right-wing parties was at first congenial, it soon deteriorated over such issues as protection of domestic industries and the legalisation of pornography, and Gamęliel was compelled by parliament to call fresh elections again in 1994. Surprisingly, Gamęliel chose not to hold both leadership positions himself, but rather to delegate the Councilorship to Raynflað; in this case, however, the power was held firmly by Gamęliel, with Raynflað as an administrative assistant and designated protégé – the Gamęliel’s intention was for the position to become a training ground for new leaders, to assist the orderly transition of power. Yet the terrible recession on 1992 and his government’s inability to ensure a quick recovery – indeed, questions over the connexion between the recent economic liberalisation and the nation’s sudden vulnerability to international recessions – doomed Gamęliel’s government, and the question of succession became moot.
(Elisabeth) Wylfethryth Cormecsdotter (1956-): 1994-1999, Parti Bonda
FCS: Ásawolf Inatisson
Wylfethryth represented not one but three historic firsts for the Wenthars: the first female Speaker; the first Speaker under the age of 40; and the first Speaker (since independence) to belong to a party not in government. The ’94 elections hammered Winsti/Recht, and returned a dominant plurality to the nationalist coalition; but they were still left short of a majority. Yet again, the PB became the kingmakers. Wylfethryth’s elevation, however, was not a planned part of any agreement for minority government. Instead, her Parti Bonda discovered in discussions with the PSD, Winsti/Recht and the Worker’s Party that, while they lacked sufficient agreement for a functioning governing coalition, they could come together to deny the Speakership to the nationalists. When this became clear, the nationalist parties abstained from the Speakership vote, and Wylfethryth became the Head of State. Many expected that she would make use of her power in imposing a formal coalition – one in which her PB could enjoy a share of power without needing to offer any commitments (as the nationalists lacked the votes to replace her). Wylfethryth, however, appointed a cabinet drawn solely from the nationalist parties, and largely confined herself to ceremonial and foreign affairs – a decision she publically attributed to a desire to respect democracy, and privately acknowledged was also influenced by a fear of retaliation from both the electorate and the nationalists. Rather than create an unworkable government for three years, she chose to exert a minor influence over a stable governmentt for five.
(Aggel) Ásawolf Inatisson (1936-2015): 1999-2006, Lywish Parti Liberal
FCS: Ásawolf Inatisson (1999-2004); Wensrøy Sylvestesson (2004-2006)
Wylfethryth’s generosity to the nationalists was both a failure (the nationalists gained a clear majority at the next election) and a success (the PB also increased the size of their delegation, become the main opposition party). In 1999, the centre-right nationalist she had chosen as First Councilor succeeded her as Speaker. In 2004, however, his coalition suffered a significant defeat, leaving them the largest party by a single seat ahead of the PB in a fractured parliament. By this time, Ásawolf suffered from serious ill-health, but politics demanded that he remain in power: the opposition parties were unable to unite to form a constructive majority to replace him, but likely would have been able to form a winning plurality in an open election had he resigned. Nonetheless, between electoral setback and personal frailty, Ásawolf stepped back from daily governance, instead appointing the more moderate Wensrøy to replace him as First Councilor. In 2006, however, following a serious stroke, he was forced to retire from politics entirely.
(Marie) Raynflað Thyresesdotter (1946-): 2006-2007, Winsti
FCS: Wylfrethryth Cormecsdotter (2006-2007); Raynflað Thyresesdotter (2007)
With Ásawolf forced to resign, the PB were able to ally with Winsti/Recht to form a winning plurality, establishing a minority coalition government: Wylfethryth took practical control of the government, while Raynflað operated in a largely ceremonial and advisory role, marking the first time both of the chief leadership positions had been held by women. However, without the support of any other party, the right-wing coalition relied upon minority powers, which expired in 2007, necessitating fresh elections. Although their popularity had declined only slightly, the Parti Bonda lost more than half their seats in 2007, as Winsti/Recht, the PSD and the Worker’s Party all gained ground. Wylfethryth was forced to resign, but at first, no coalition was able to replace Raynflað – essentially because the establishment nationalists and the radical Worker’s Party were unable to come to any agreement. Winsti/Recht were able to form a new minority government, with some support from the PB. Raynflað’s 2007 budget, however, which she attempted to force through with minority powers, was so radically neoliberal that the opposition parties felt forced to unite behind the nationalists, and to overthrow Raynflað.
(Aðanąnn) Ąwgar Mydreasson (1960-): 2007-2012, Lywish Parti Liberal
FCS: Ąwgar Mydreasson
Ąwgar emerged from the chaos as the only candidate acceptible to the Worker’s Party, who refused to support either a centre-right politician or a candidate from the Labour Party (which they feared would be promoting a rival party that might undermine them). Eventually, they settled for Mydreasson, while remaining outside any formal coalition.
A year later, however, the financial crisis exploded and the nation faced a crisis; the Worker’s Party entered the coalition, and the government proceded to cling on for the maximum five years, while trying and largely failing to lead an economic recovery.
(Lars) Wolfgang Fillogsson (1966-): 2012-2017, Parti Sossial-Democratish
FCS: Wolfgang Fillogsson (2012-2015); Børahjom Aggelson (2015-2017)
The 2012 elections seemed to be a condemnation of decades of political complacency. The Worker’s Party, tainted both by their failure to actively govern in the year immediately preceding the crisis and by their willingness to govern in the years that followed, lost more than half their seats; incomprehensibly, the nationalist coalition that had dominated politics for a century was wiped out entirely. The neoliberal Winsti/Recht also suffered badly, and the Parti Bonda was almost destroyed, both in reaction to their perceived role in allowing the crisis, and because many of their supporters flocked to more radical alternatives. In their place, the right-populist Christian People’s Party (CT), the left-populist Independent Farmer’s Party (OFB), and the Independent National Worker’s Party (OLA) flourished. The biggest winners, however, were the one party that had avoided government for more than a decade: the PSD, who narrowly fell short of a majority, but who were able to gather enough approval to empower Wolfgang to form a minority government.
The PSD, however, were unable to capitalise on their success, with many voters blaming them for the sluggish recovery. By 2015, the PSD had lost both minority powers and majority support, and were forced to call elections; the result was utter chaos, with no fewer than thirteen parties winning seats; the two largest forces, with 13 and 12 seats respectively, were the far-left Worker’s Party and the neoliberal Progressive Party. No majority could be found to unseat Fillogson, who returned his party to minority rule – a “government of one”, as critics named it, given the PSD’s mere 6 seats and the widespread internal dissent against Fillogson, who had lead his party to a bad defeat. Fillogson by himself, however, could not pass a budget even under minority powers, and so was forced to create a minority coalition with the Worker’s Party and the Green Party (the third-largest party). As part of the coalition deal, Green Party leader, Børahjom, took over the reigns of the government, though his personal power remained extremely limited.
Sesselie (Hielgard) Esesnift (1982-): 2017-, Aróra
FCS: Sesselie Esesnift
The Wolfgang-Børahjom coalition was unstable in the extreme, and barely able to command a third of the chambers. In 2016, the Worker’s Party ceased to support the government, and called for fresh elections. This prevented Fillogson’s government from passing a budget, and accordingly fresh elections were called early in 2017. In the event, the Worker’s Party were able to win only a single extra seat. However, the phenomenon of the year was the meteoric rise of Sesselie Esesnift and her “Aróra” party – an entirely urban phenomenon so far, Aróra is a broadly centre-left, liberal and internationalist party, which emerged in 2017 as the largest party, though still with only slightly over one quarter of the total seats. Sesselie brought her party into a liberal coalition with the Lywflocka Liberal (the renamed remnant of the old Lywish Parti Liberal), the surviving PSD, the pair of remaining Greens, Winsti/Recht, and the single Deputy from the Freethinking People’s Party. The coalition also maintains good relationships with the Progressive Party and the Parti Bonda.
Discussions about constructed worlds, cultures and any topics related to constructed societies.
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